The World Social Forum and Beyond

The 10th international gathering of the World Social Forum met in Porto Alegre Brazil recently to imagine once again a radical alternative to globalization. 30,000 people attended the events according to the Associated Press. The tacit theme of this years Forum was 'socialist renewal in the midst of the financial crisis'. This theme is particularly fitting for Latin America, a region of the planet that has continued for more than a decade now a spectacular drift toward people-centered economies and participatory democracy.

Despite the corporate media bias, this evolution is mass in character as evident at a recent electoral celebration for Bolivan President Evo Morales. Morales and his party won a landslide victory last month in a referendum on his left-wing nationalist policies. In attendance at the celebration were at least three other popular leftist presidents.




The next World Social Forum is planned for Dakar, Senegal and will include similar themes as this year's gathering. There is not a political or social upsurge in Africa today that can even mildly claim the vibrancy of the unfolding events in Latin America. For many enthusiasts of the transformative process in Latin America, the void of such a movement in Africa is not an immediate concern. However, the experience of similar 20th century post-capitalist experiments reveal the contradictions of isolation within the world economy and international relations. While it would be wrong to say that the success of the Bolivarian Revolution depended on similar transformations in other regions of the third world, the emergence of an African front which shared its own unique but common vision of society and the economy could be a great victory for people across the ocean in Latin America. Solidarity between progressive third world governments in both continents would open up new opportunties for fair trade, cultural exchange and greater collective bargaining power within the structures of the United Nations.

In anticipation of the 2011 Social Forum here in Dakar, I am working with the W.E.B. DuBois Pan-African Youth Collective and African grassroots activists to organize a gathering of African youth who are ready to begin constructing a political alternative in this continent. The mobilization of social movements is absolutely critical, but without explicit political vision they will remain fragmented. There are already plenty of discussions underway to make this possible by other forces as well. Hopefully, this year will mark a turning point in the history of Africa and all the regions struggling for another world.

Combating Africa's Anti-Gay 'Movement'

There is a widespread but unsubstantiated paranoia that the West is trying to spread homosexuality here in Africa. In the African political culture of the 21st century the enemy of African self-determination is not the mindless consumerism, exploitation of natural resources or military intrusion but 'the gays'. Ironically, homophobia is about the closest thing to an anti-imperialist movement in existence here today. This is the sick reality in a continent that has long-buried the progressive memories of Kwame Nkrumah, Samora Machel and Thomas Sankara.

Senegal is one of at least 38 African countries, which sentences homosexuals and their heterosexual allies to long-term prison sentences. The most infamous case has come as the Ugandan legislature moved to pass a strict bill that would detain and execute homosexual violators. There are several reasons to oppose this bill in particular for the social justice movement. For starters this legislation would be a huge setback for the fight against HIV and AIDS in Uganda; a country that has shown significant progress in fighting the disease in recent years. The stigma, criminalization and discrimination of men who have sex with men is likely to deter them from pursuing HIV prevention and treatment services from the government. This would no doubt be of minor consequence to an evangelical Christian, as many have come to Africa preaching Jesus' salvation as the cure for AIDS.

The Ugandan anti-gay legislation is yet another example of the impact ultra-conservative Christian missionaries have in Africa. The New York Times reported how in the lead up to the legislation, thousands of Ugandans, including police officers, teachers and national politicians, listened raptly to the Americans, who were presented as experts on homosexuality. Furthermore, although the Ugandan legislation has been the subject of bi-partisan rebuke in the U.S., there is a prominent right-wing movement there that uses similar hate-filled rhetoric freely on cable television and the pulpit with little criticism.

Of course, Western Christians are not the only source of homophobia in the continent. My predominantly Muslim 11th grade American Government class recently remarked to me their fears of a vast American conspiracy to spread homosexuality throughout Africa. To resolve the problem, half of the students recommended the punishment of death by a show of hands. A few discussed in great detail how to carry such executions out and quoted specific passages from the Islamic Hadith to justify the actions.

Homophobia is only one of several fruits born from the destruction of the African left. Throughout the continent there is routine violence against poor immigrants coming from neighboring countries. South Africa is one of the most extreme examples of reactionary violence toward other Africans who share virtually the same histories, and class struggles against neo-liberal globalization. Today, as Africa fights poverty, disease and external exploitation it must also face a growing and usually unchallenged right-wing political culture that pervades much of the continent's government's and civil society. When caught between the choice of cultural relativism and social justice, we should always choose the latter.

Why the Left Can't Stop Neo-Colonialism

Anti-imperialist theories of today must either evolve or be thrown away completely.

20th century anti-imperialism rested on the idea of state sovereignty; which, held all nation- states should be respected as equal and indepedent from one another. This concept has always been contradictory in the third world mainly because the territorial boundaries that national liberation movements struggled to emancipate were drawn by colonial powers in the first place. Nation-states have always been social, economic, and political constructs defining relations of power and hierarchy rather than simply expressing ethnicity, geography or culture. Although, state sovereignty is a central principle of the United Nations, it has never applied it equally among actors. One can already clearly see in the first decade of the 21st century how miserably the U.N. has failed to prevent or end U.S., Israeli or other European occupations of foreign lands. In the same way, the so called anti-imperialist left has also failed to stop a single major occupation this century because ultimately these actors rely on the impotent U.N. as the forum to do so.

The earthquake in Haiti is the most recent example of both the U.N.'s and the anti-imperialist left's inability to prevent major violations of state sovereignty. In just a week the U.S. has mobilized thousands of troops, technocrats, and aid organizations to totally reconfigure the Haitian government and the main economic institutions of the country with virtually no unified opposition. By strict definition this is an aggressive act of neo-colonialism regardless of the moral implications of these actions or in this case, inactions.

As with the Rwandan genocide there is a moral consequence for powerful countries that do not intervene in the midst of great human suffering caused by genocide or natural disaster. The moral consequences on non-intervention during humanitarian crises have silenced even the most ardent critics of interventionism and made the U.N. an enabling force in several acts of neo-colonial occupation. Recently, even the Cuban government allowed the U.S. military to use its airspace as part of its humanitarian operations in Haiti. The U.N. will without a doubt allow the U.S. to take primary responsiblity for the political and economic future of Haiti and has already given up total security control to the Americans.

While we understand that there is little to prevent a powerful country from using the cover of a humanitarian"responsibility to protect" in order to pursue its own political and economic interests, we do not have a moral excuse in cases like Haiti or Rwanda not to intervene. Furthermore, the case for intervention in Iraq for example could reasonably be rooted in humanitarianism given the actions of Sadamm Hussein before the U.S. invasion. The fact is, people in Iraq were also victims of human suffering caused by Hussein. This standard would also apply to the case of the Palestinian people where arguably the most dramatic case of human induced suffering is taking place. None of the supporters of the Iraq War advocate a U.S. military invasion to emancipate the Palestinians from Israeli domination. Taken a logical step further, there is not a single nation-state in the history of the world that, judged soley on humanitarian tragedy, did not deserve to be invaded at one point or another.

The main issue here is that powerful countries like the U.S. have been able to synthesize their own narrow political and economic interests with an appeal to basic human morality. Unlike Nazi Germany, the U.S. not only invades countries and divides the spoils among its allies, it does so with a bleeding heart and call to human decency. This synthesis has not completely destroyed opposition to war and occupation but it has marginalized its mass appeal. As unpopular as the War in Iraq was, it continues along with at least a half-a- dozen other examples on neo-colonial occupation.

If the anti-imperialist left cannot find a synthesis of its own that bridges that gap between protecting state sovereignty and moral indifference, its voice will remain marginalized in the long-term. Ultimately, the ambiguity of neo-colonial intervention favors the position of the occupying power. Yesterday, the U.S. military landed on the lawn of the Haitian presidential palace to cheers, not protest. Some are asking for the U.S. to stay indefinitely.

There is a reason why the expansionist Roman Empire survived successfully for as long as it did. As it exist now, the Left can't prevent the great powers of today from doing the same. Those who oppose imperialism must begin to understand why.

Haiti: The New (Old) Frontier

"Frontier markets could become the sweet reward of 2010 if investors are willing
to take risks in underdeveloped, illiquid and potentially unstable markets."

OK. In the midst of one of the great natural disasters of our time, you could only hope governments would put geo-politics as usual aside and cooperate in anyway possible to rescue victims of the earthquake in Haiti. But instead there is a mounting battle over Haiti's security future and several nations including France, Venezuela, Brazil and Nicaragua are convinced the U.S. military is trying to occupy there permanently. The U.S. Southern Command, which is overseeing the U.S. military relief effort in Haiti, maintains that its military role is humanitarian only. As more U.S. soliders landed at the Haitian Presidential Palace the AP reported a Haitian hair dresser named Fede Felissaint said, "We are happy that they are coming, because we have so many problems," and added "If they want, they can stay longer than in 1915," in reference to when the U.S. occupied Haiti for 19 years last century. Felissaint may get his wish.

While the attention rightly focuses on U.S. military presense, much less consideration is given to the potential role of multinational companies in the country just a few months from now. Haiti is not historically well- known for being rich in natural resources, however insiders know better. In a 2007 article entitled, "Haiti's Future Glitters With Gold", geologists were said to be scouring the hilltops of Haiti in search for gold and copper deposits.

"'Haiti's logical,' says Alex Turkeltaub, managing director of Frontier Strategy Group, a consulting firm that advises mining companies. 'The assumption of most mining executives is that its proximity to the United States and its relatively small size mean that they will have a lot of leverage as large players in a small economy, and that the Americans will always be there to protect against complete disaster.'"

Before the earthquake this year Haiti was considered a Frontier Market, which could result in big profits if international investors are willing to take significant enough risks. Those risks under the current social instability would definitely be to high for any company looking to do business there. That is of course unless you send in thousands of U.S. troops to help control the situation well into the long-term.

Dr. King VS Barack Obama: On U.S. Occupation

Which African-American leader gave a better speech about a U.S. occupation in Asia? U.S. President Barack Obama on the Afghanistan War or Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. on the Vietnam War? You be the judge. Happy M.L.K. Day.

Dr. King "Why I Oppose the Vietnam War"

President Obama Accepting the Nobel Peace Prize

All Eyes on Sudan

Sudan is Africa's biggest country and possibly the most strategically important to external economic powers. Not just because of its enormous oil reserves but Sudan is geographically nestled in one of the continents hot zones sharing borders with some of the most volatile countries in the continent. There are warning signs according to experts that Sudan could spiral into a civil war as the Southern region of the country votes for independence next year. Sudan's parliament voted to allow a popular referendum which could open the way for southern succession from the North.

The Sudanese People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) is the leader of the Southern faction and originally started as an armed resistance movement called the Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA). The history of their armed struggle is proudly recorded on the SPLM's website which you can see here. A civil war that ended over a million lives between North and South officially ended in peace talks and powersharing with the central government in 2005 but many of the underlying concerns in the conflict remain. In recent weeks the SPLM and the ruling National Congress (NPC) of the North have attempted to mend fences but the independence vote is likely to stir up old tensions.

If these tensions actually spillover into a violent civil war, the world's preeminent military powers will be drawn in. A Small Arms Survey found that the SPLM group is already receiving thousands of weapons from a U.S. proxy Ukraine, via Kenya in anticipation of a potential stand-off with the Northern government. The NPC is receiving its own cache of weapons from Russia and China. This small arms build-up is a new cold war battle between the West and the East over the future of Sudan. Given the instability that another violent conflict could cause, both sides will be jockeying for position in a contest to control Africa's third largest oil reserves.

Is this potential civil war between North and South real or just another exhagerated call for external intervention? In my opinion the most reliable Western source of information on Sudan comes from Alex de Waal, a Harvard researcher who ran the website Making Sense of Darfur. Recently, the name of the site was changed to Making Sense of Sudan, because de Waal agrees with others that the situation in Sudan has come to a defining crossroads.

"Without doubt, the coming twelve months will be the most momentous in Sudan’s
history. The year is likely to be tumultuous as well. This site will not attempt to keep track of the many developments as they unfold, but rather to continue to provide a forum for informed discussion on key issues for Sudan, including of course Darfur."

Alex de Waal believes that 2010 will be "the year of democracy" in Sudan. But there is no question this year will be the most interesting time to follow politics in Sudan.

5 Big Stories You May Have Missed on Haiti Relief Efforts

Below are five big stories you may have missed about the international recovery efforts in Haiti. They include U.S. nation-building efforts, a message from Fidel Castro, a moment of Pan-African unity and what grassroots organizations in Haiti are doing to help on the ground. If you have any other important updates feel free to comment.

1. A Ten Point Progressive Action Plan on How to Empower Haitians. http://thewip.net/talk/2010/01/haiti_a_tenpoint_progressive_a.html

2. Senegal’s President Offers Land to Homeless Haitian’s in West Africa
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hMcQ3akHeBvtnGynUahV7XeCWomw

3. Fidel Castro on Cuba’s efforts in Haiti thus far
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2010/castro160110.html

4. Hillary Clinton gears up for long-term U.S. nation-building efforts in Haiti
http://www.miamiherald.com/news/miami-dade/breaking-news/story/1429707.html

5. Slow aid efforts are met with desperation and violence
http://www.theage.com.au/world/stalling-relief-effort-sparks-violence-20100117-meaj.html